Globally, abortion mortality accounts for approximately 13% of all maternal mortality. Unsafe abortion procedures, untrained abortion providers, restrictive abortion laws and high maternal mortality and morbidity from abortion tend to occur together. Unplanned and unwanted pregnancies constitute a serious public health responsibility. While fertility has declined by half in developing countries, the motivation to control and space births has risen faster than the rate of contraceptive use. Preventing maternal mortality and morbidity from abortion in countries where these remain high is a matter of good public health policy and medical practice, and constitutes an important part of safe motherhood initiatives. A range of positive steps has been taken to reduce deaths and morbidity from abortion in a growing number of countries over the past 15 years. Making abortion legal is an essential prerequisite in making it safe. In this respect, changing the law does matter and assertions to the contrary are ill conceived and unsupported in practice. Although, in many countries, trends towards safer abortion have often occurred prior to or in the absence of changes in the law, legal changes need to take place if safety is to be sustained for all women. Religious laws may also require attention when legal change is being contemplated. There are three main ways of approaching this problem: liberalizing the existing law within the penal or criminal code; partially or fully legalizing abortion through a positive law or a court ruling; and decriminalising abortion by taking it out of the law. Women's health groups and other advocates, parliamentarians and health professionals, can work together to support the right of women not to die from unsafe abortions and to ensure they receive treatment for complications. Committed doctors can make a difference by providing treatment for abortion complications, interpreting the law in a liberal way and providing safe services where these are legal as well as training providers in the safest techniques to reduce mortality and morbidity. Although law, policy and women's rights are central to this issue, making abortions safe is above all a public health responsibility of governments. Moreover, reducing maternal mortality by making abortions safe is also an important part of the international commitment made in Cairo in 1994 at the ICPD and reaffirmed at the Cairo meeting in 1999.
Historical perspective of terminations of unwanted pregnancies in the UK. Moral and ethical considerations imposed by established church's teachings becoming increasingly in conflict with the wishes and expectations of a more secular society. Recognition that illegal abortion was, as a matter of fact available, at great risk to vulnerable girls and women. Eventually public demand and a radical and reforming government led to the current Statutory Framework. Statutory provisions: Offences against the Person Act 1861, Sections 58 and 59; Infant Life Preservation Act 1929 Section 1. Recognition of the limited flexibility allowed by the law in the original restrictive statutory framework. The direction to the jury in July 1938 by Macnaghten J in the case of R. v. Bourne [1939] 1 KB 687, where an eminent obstetrician was acquitted after carrying out an abortion on a young rape victim. Then the modern statutory provisions: Abortion Act 1967, amended by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990. The statutory framework provides for healthcare professionals not to have to take part in terminations if they have a conscientious objection to doing so. While there are still fierce challenges from moral pressure groups when any changes in the detail of the law are proposed--such as reducing the maximum gestation period for a lawful termination--as a whole society seems to have accepted the current law. Issues affecting doctors who consider and provide terminations; current medico-legal problems relating to wanted pregnancies that have been lost by reason of clinical negligence, and unwanted children that have been born by reason of clinical negligence.
Historical perspective of terminations of unwanted pregnancies in the UK. Moral and ethical considerations imposed by established church's teachings becoming increasingly in conflict with the wishes and expectations of a more secular society. Recognition that illegal abortion was, as a matter of fact available, at great risk to vulnerable girls and women. Eventually public demand and a radical and reforming government led to the current Statutory Framework. Statutory provisions: Offences against the Person Act 1861, Sections 58 and 59; Infant Life Preservation Act 1929 Section 1. Recognition of the limited flexibility allowed by the law in the original restrictive statutory framework. The direction to the jury in July 1938 by Macnaghten J in the case of R. v. Bourne [1939] 1 KB 687, where an eminent obstetrician was acquitted after carrying out an abortion on a young rape victim. Then the modern statutory provisions: Abortion Act 1967, amended by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990. The statutory framework provides for healthcare professionals not to have to take part in terminations if they have a conscientious objection to doing so. While there are still fierce challenges from moral pressure groups when any changes in the detail of the law are proposed--such as reducing the maximum gestation period for a lawful termination--as a whole society seems to have accepted the current law. Issues affecting doctors who consider and provide terminations; current medico-legal problems relating to wanted pregnancies that have been lost by reason of clinical negligence, and unwanted children that have been born by reason of clinical negligence.
The decision to terminate a pregnancy is not one that is taken lightly. The need for an abortion reflects limited sexual autonomy, ineffective or lack of access to contraceptive options, or a health indication. Abortion is protected under human rights law. That notwithstanding, access to abortions continues to be contested in many parts of the world, with vested interests from politically and religiously conservative states, patriarchal societies, and cultural mores, not just within local contexts but also within a broader geopolitical context. Criminalization of a women's choice not to carry a pregnancy is a significant driver of unsafe procedures, and even where abortions are provided legally, the policies remain constrained by the practice or by a lack of coherence. This review outlines the trends in abortion policy in low- and middle-income countries and highlights priority areas to ensure that women are safe and able to exercise their reproductive rights.
Health workers, like nurses are tasked to save the lives of their patients, however, there are instances in which health workers have to deal with difficult cases in taking a life, such as abortion. Scholars in the field of healthcare assert that abortion is morally justified if it is sought for health reasons. Nevertheless, there are a number of cases in which abortion is sought on other grounds other than health, such as the individual choice to do so. Can a nurse refuse to provide their professional service towards these people? This paper uses analytical and comparative methods to address ethical issues in abortion from the Islamic and conventional perspectives. Nursing implication: Since the nurses instruct and assist people in forming a decision as they engage in nursing care, utilising a comprehensive view of abortion based on Islamic sources would provide a foundation in Muslim perspectives as they interact with Muslim patients. The subject area to investigate the degree of knowledge among nurses regarding the Islamic moral judgement on this event is extremely recommended for future management.
Malaysia has relatively liberal abortion laws in that they permit abortions for both physical and mental health cases. However, abortion remains a taboo subject. The stagnating contraceptive prevalence rate combined with the plunging fertility rate suggests that abortion might be occurring clandestinely. This qualitative study aimed to explore the experiences of women and their needs with regard to abortion.
The concept of 'unwanted pregnancy' is a recent in human history and is associated with social stresses of modern life. The purposes of the law, maqasid al shari'at, and its principles, qawa'id a shari'at, focus on preventing 'unwanted pregnancy', protecting the rights of the fetus and infant, and mitigating the adverse effects of 'unwanted pregnancy' by social measures. 'Unwanted pregnancy' is associated with general social determinants (hedonistic life styles, sexual transgression, addiction to drugs, fear of poverty, and low female status) and specific antecedent causes (sexual crimes, egoistic greed, maternal/fetal disease, and gender discrimination). It is prevented by sexual hygiene, marriage, contraception, deterring sexual crimes, and raising the status of women. The adverse sequelae of 'unwanted pregnancy' (feticide, infanticide, or child abuse and neglect) can be prevented by defending the basic human right of the fetus and infant to life, promoting social institutions for child welfare (nuclear family, extended family, foster care, and open adoption). Closed adoption is forbidden by Law but care in a foster home is allowed and is encouraged if the nuclear and extended families are unwilling or are unable to care for children. Abortion at any stage of pregnancy is a crime against humanity. It is not a solution to the problem but is part of the problem. It will encourage more 'unwanted pregnancies'.
Misoprostol seems to be a drug with many potential uses apart from the treatment of gastric and duodenal ulcers. The oral tablet appears to be effective for termination of midtrimester pregnancy when administered intravaginally. Further research should be carried out to determine its full range of action in order that the drug can be utilized to its maximum potential.
A case of tetanus occurring after induced abortion is reported. The patient gave a history of low grade fever with chill and rigors, headache, neck pain and Trismus. She subsequently developed respiratory distress. However, incorrect information from the patient resulted in the delay to locate and eradicate the source of infection. Early referral to an intensive care unit for ventilatory assistance was the most appropriate step to save the patient. Complications which occurred during the course of the disease were sometimes difficult to overcome. These complications were probably related to the duration of stay in the intensive care unit. Their incidence could be reduced by more meticulous patient care.
The objective of this article is to assess the effect of domestic violence on abortion and investigate the mediating role of unwanted pregnancy. A secondary analysis was conducted on the National Family Survey data. This survey was a cross-sectional study conducted across Iran in 2018. The association between domestic violence and abortion was analyzed using the Partial Least Square-Structural Equation Model (PLS-SEM) with WarpPLS version 8.0. From among 1,544 married women (mean age 42.8 years) who participated in this survey, 27% (418 women) reported experiencing at-least one-lifetime of abortion. Overall, two in three women (67.3%) experienced at least one form of domestic violence. Almost half of the women with experience of abortion (49.3%) reported at least one unwanted pregnancy in their life course. The bivariate analysis showed a significant positive relationship between domestic violence and abortion, and there was a positive direct effect of domestic violence on unwanted pregnancy. Moreover, age had a negative direct and indirect effect on unwanted pregnancy and abortion. Although, the direct effect of domestic violence on abortion was not significant in the Structure Equation Model, a positive indirect effect of domestic violence on abortion through unwanted pregnancy was confirmed. The effect of unwanted pregnancy on abortion was particularly strong (β = .395, p
Over a 28 month period in the Sarawak General Hospital, Kuching, there were 100 'confirmed' septic induced abortions and 75 'suspect' cases. Socio-demographic characteristics are studied. Seventy-five percent of induced abortions used some kind of foreign body per vaginam. Forty-one percent are in the age group of 20-25 years and the housewife together with the unemployed form 57 percent of the whole group. There were 2 maternal mortalities.
This study explores contraceptive practice and decision making of women who have experienced abortion in Malaysia. In-depth interviews were carried out with 31 women who had abortions. Women in this study did adopt some method of modern contraception prior their abortion episodes. However, challenges to use a method consistently were experiences and fear of side effects, contraceptive failure, partner's influence, lack of confidence, and cost. The decision to adopt contraception was theirs but the types of contraceptive methods to adopt were influenced by their spouses/partners. The women wanted to use modern contraception but were faced with challenges that hampered its use. More proactive contraceptive promotion is needed to educate people on the array of contraceptive methods available and made accessible to them, to correct misconceptions on safety of modern contraception, to increase men's involvement in contraceptive choices, and to encourage consistent contraceptive use to prevent unintended pregnancies.
Abortion is a serious public health issue, and it poses high risks to the health and life of women. Yet safe abortion services are not readily available because few doctors are trained to provide such services. Many doctors are unaware of laws pertaining to abortion. This article reports survey findings on Malaysian medical students' attitudes toward abortion education and presents a case for including abortion education in medical schools.
We evaluated 3,066 consecutive women admitted during 1 year to two major hospitals of Kuala Lumpur and the adjacent urban area of Malaysia. Indicators of acute pelvic inflammatory disease were more common among patients with induced abortions. PID was thought to be a major contributor to the higher costs associated with management of patients with induced abortions.