Menstruation is arguably the first stage in a woman's reproductive cycle. Among the Temiar, as in many other traditional societies, menstruation represents a time during which a woman is considered to be vulnerable or polluted and there may be food or behavior avoidances and restrictions. The Temiar is one of the eighteen indigenous sub-ethnic groups in Peninsular Malaysia. The objective of this study was to examine the food restrictions and taboos imposed on menstruating Temiar women. A total of 38 participants from four different locations took part in five focus group discussions which represents different lifestyle experiences of the Temiar sub-ethnic group. The findings unfolds many practices: foods to be avoided and spirit in the landscape in order to protect the menstruating woman; isolating the menstruating woman in order to protect the community; consequences of not observing the menstruation food taboos and maintenance of the menstrual taboos. The menstruating women in all locations were prohibited from consuming salt, cooking oils, wild or domesticated animals, and Monosodium glutamate to protect themselves from the excessive flow of menstrual blood and future ill-health. They must eat separately from others because they are deemed polluted and dangerous to the community. The study concludes that the taboos directed towards the menstruating women often do have a caring and protective intention. Menstrual restrictions function not only to protect the menstruating women and the community but also to keep intact the symbolic boundary between human and the non-human world from which disease and weakness comes.
Food taboos are known from virtually all human societies. Most religions declare certain food items fit and others unfit for human consumption. Dietary rules and regulations may govern particular phases of the human life cycle and may be associated with special events such as menstrual period, pregnancy, childbirth, lactation, and -- in traditional societies -- preparation for the hunt, battle, wedding, funeral, etc. On a comparative basis many food taboos seem to make no sense at all, as to what may be declared unfit by one group may be perfectly acceptable to another. On the other hand, food taboos have a long history and one ought to expect a sound explanation for the existence (and persistence) of certain dietary customs in a given culture. Yet, this is a highly debated view and no single theory may explain why people employ special food taboos. This paper wants to revive interest in food taboo research and attempts a functionalist's explanation. However, to illustrate some of the complexity of possible reasons for food taboo five examples have been chosen, namely traditional food taboos in orthodox Jewish and Hindu societies as well as reports on aspects of dietary restrictions in communities with traditional lifestyles of Malaysia, Papua New Guinea, and Nigeria. An ecological or medical background is apparent for many, including some that are seen as religious or spiritual in origin. On the one hand food taboos can help utilizing a resource more efficiently; on the other food taboos can lead to the protection of a resource. Food taboos, whether scientifically correct or not, are often meant to protect the human individual and the observation, for example, that certain allergies and depression are associated with each other could have led to declaring food items taboo that were identified as causal agents for the allergies. Moreover, any food taboo, acknowledged by a particular group of people as part of its ways, aids in the cohesion of this group, helps that particular group maintain its identity in the face of others, and therefore creates a feeling of "belonging".
This study documented ethnomedical knowledge of plants used for the treatment of tuberculosis (TB) and its related symptoms as practiced by the Jakun community of Kampung Peta, situated in Endau Rompin Johor National Park, Johor, Malaysia. Eight key informants were selected by snowball sampling technique and data about medicinal plants were collected by semistructured interviews, participatory observations, and focus group. Qualitative analysis was undertaken using thematic analysis. There were 23 species of plants (22 genera, 20 families) documented and herbarium specimens were deposited at the UTHM Herbarium. Dipterocarpus sublamellatus was recorded for the first time with ethnomedical uses while other species were previously reported. The qualitative approach employed in this study demonstrates the emic perspective in terms of perceptions on traditional herbal medicine, transfer of knowledge, significant taboos related with medicinal plants, and their conservation efforts. Local and biomedical terminology in treatment of TB showed substantial correspondence. The outcomes obtained in the study are worth being further investigated for conservation strategies and are worthy of verifying their ethnomedical claims scientifically.
INTRODUCTION: A qualitative comparative case study was conducted to compare and contrast food taboos and avoidance practices during pregnancy among Orang Asli or indigenous Temiar women in four distinct locations that represent different lifestyle experiences and cultural practices.
METHODS: Through snowballing sampling, a total of 38 participants took part in five focus groups: one group each in Pos Simpor and Pos Tohoi in Kelantan state, one group in Batu 12, Gombak in Selangor state, and two groups in a regroupment scheme (RPSOA) in Kuala Betis, Kelantan. All the transcripts were coded, categorised and 'thematised' using the software package for handling qualitative data, NVivo 8.
RESULTS: Variant food prohibitions were recorded among the Temiar women residing in different locations, which differ in food sources and ways of obtaining food. Consumption of seventeen types of food items was prohibited for a pregnant Temiar woman and her husband during the prenatal period. Fear of difficulties during labour and delivery, convulsions or sawan, harming the baby (such as foetal malformation), and twin pregnancy seemed to trigger many food proscriptions for the pregnant Temiar women, most of which have been passed on from generation to generation.
CONCLUSION: The findings of this study confirm that beliefs about food restrictions are strong among those Temiar living a traditional lifestyle. However, those who have adopted a more modern lifestyle also preserve them to some extent.pregnancy among Orang Asli or indigenous Temiar women in four distinct locations that represent different lifestyle experiences and cultural practices.
According to Malinowski there are no peoples, however primitive, without religion and magic; nor are there any societies lacking either in the scientific attitude or in science (Blumberg 1963). Magic and taboo are resorted to when through the normal use of science, or rational techniques, man is unable to control unpredictable events important to him. Where there is difficulty in predicting the outcome of behaviour, where the results of action are not consonant with effort, where there are great limitions on man's knowledge of vital issues, magical techniques are employed--in short, where circumstances of life are uncertain, uncontrolled and unknown. Magic and animism are systems of thought which give not only the explanation of a single phenomenon, but make it possible to comprehend the totality of the world from one point, as a continuity. Of the three systems of thought--animistic, religious and scientific--animism is perhaps the most consistent and the most exhaustive, the one which explains the world in its entirety.
A study of food ideology and eating behavior in a Malay village demonstrates that the relationship between belief and action is complex and not always predictable. Over-reliance upon stated beliefs, and generalizations derived from particular ecological settings, have influenced investigators into making universal and logical statements about Malay eating behavior and its health consequences--a logic which, however, does not always jibe with reality. Food ideology, like any other portion of a belief system, is subject to innovation, interpretation and rationalization, and contains within it 'rules to break rules' which assure the continued integrity of the symbolic system by patterning what might otherwise be seen as rifts in its fabric. An understanding of eating behavior must be based both on a knowledge of the subsidiary, as well as primary, clauses of food ideology, and on direct observation of the behaviors elicited by these beliefs and modified by the setting, the situation and the individual.
Obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD) is a neuropsychiatric disorder characterized by recurrent intrusive, distressing thoughts and repetitive behaviours or mental rituals performed to reduce anxiety. The lifetime prevalence of OCD is 2.3% and it can happen to all people of various levels, including child and adolescent. The mean age of onset is 19.5 years, and a subset of patients, mostly males, have an early onset before 10 years of age. The lifetime risk of developing OCD is higher in females, who typically develop the disorder in adolescence [1]. Person with OCD usually presented with obsession involving various themes, namely contamination; repeated doubts; religious, need for symmetry and exactness, or taboo thoughts of a sexual, religious, or aggressive nature. Whereas, the most common compulsions are checking, washing, hoarding, and counting compulsions[1]. (Copied from article).
A morbidity survey was carried out on a sample of eight longhouses in the Entabai area of the Sixth Division, Sarawak. Of the 645 respondents interviewed, only 148 (22.9%) had experienced at least one spell of illness during the one month prior to the survey.A total of 161 spells of illness was reported, giving a rate of three spells per person per year for the community. Most of the complaints were mild in nature, with fever and aches being the commonest reported. About two thirds of the illnesses were seen by the village aide or at the klinik desa, while the remaining preferred to be treated by the manang. A sub-sample of 49 heads of household were interviewed on their views of the causation, prevention and spread offive common conditions. About 14-43% of the respondents had no knowledge of the causes of fever, cough, diarrhoea or worms. Among those who mentioned some causative factors, only a portion had correct concepts of the various aspects of diseases. Food taboos associated with the five conditions were not too numerous or extensive enough to affect dietary intakes. However, this is not so during the post-partum period where the mother is not allowed to eat many vegetables and meat which are common items in their everyday diets.
Traditional postpartum practices generally involve food proscriptions and prescriptions. Certain foods are prohibited due to their properties such as “windy”, “cold” and “hot”. As lactating mother needs higher energy and protein intake, this practice may impact their ability to meet their nutritional requirements. Consequently, their health may not be fully restored, wound healing would be slowed, and lactation success may be interfered. This study was conducted in Kuantan, Pahang, to investigate Malay mothers’ perception on confinement dietary practices during postpartum period. A total of 80 respondents aged between 23-43 years old were interviewed using a questionnaire which consisted of an extensive list of food items. It was found that 100% of respondents mentioned that they do observe the traditional postpartum practices after childbirth with most of them (63.0%) chose to confine for up to 44 days. Flavored rice, roti canai and various types of noodle were generally avoided during postpartum period due to their ‘oily/fatty’ property. Tubers, and most fruits and vegetables were also avoided due to their ‘cold’ property. Moreover, the famous ‘reason’ for exclusion of fish was ‘bisa’ and ‘causing itchiness’ for seafood. Milk and dairy products were included in majority of respondents’ diet. Out of 80, 43 (53.8%) respondents avoided soy sauce because it was believed to give negative effect on wound healing. Other than
that, iced drink, tea and sugarcane drink were avoided due to their ‘cold’ and ‘sharp/sour’ properties. In addition, statistical tests of all food items show that there is no difference in terms of level of acceptance for each food between women delivered via normal delivery or caesarean section. It is concluded that postpartum food taboo beliefs are still prevalent among Malay women. Extensive food prohibition and restriction causes limited food choices which may affect mothers’ nutritional intake. Thus, a more balanced diet should be recommended for Malay mothers during postpartum period to ensure adequate nutrient intake, as much as culturally acceptable.
Adequate nutrition is important for mothers and their offspring during and after birth. This cross sectional study was conducted to determine nutritional status and nutritional knowledge of pregnant women from two selected private hospitals in Klang Valley, Malaysia. A total of 236 Malay pregnant women aged between 20 to 45 years old (mean age 31+5 years) were recruited through convenient sampling method. Socio-demographic data, nutritional knowledge and a 24-hours diet recall were obtained through a self-administered questionnaire. Anthropometric and haemoglobin data were obtained from the antenatal records in the respective hospitals. The percentages of participants who were underweight, normal, overweight and obese before pregnancy were 12.7%, 55.1%, 25.0% and 7.2% respectively. Among those who were obese before pregnancy, a total of 59.7% had inadequate weight gain, 24.6% gained adequate weight and 15.7% gained excessive gestational weight. About 33.5% of subjects were anaemic (Hb < 11.0g/dL). The mean daily energy intake of the participants was 1748 ± 526 kcal which was 76% of RNI. Calcium (73% of RNI), folic acid (36% of RNI), niacin (89% of RNI) and vitamin D (40% of RNI). The nutritional knowledge level of subjects was moderate (51.9 ± 13.8%). Lower monthly household income (p < 0.001), educational level (p < 0.001) and gestational stage (p < 0.05) of participants were associated with a lower nutritional knowledge level. Nutritional knowledge score was positively correlated with gestational weight gain (r = 0.166, p < 0.05) and haemoglobin level (r = 0.200, p < 0.05). Subjects who claimed practising food taboos had higher nutritional knowledge score (54.9 ± 12.5%) than those who did not (49.9 ± 14.4%)(p < 0.05). A comprehensive nutrition education should be integrated in the antenatal classes to improve nutritional status of pregnant women.
Traditionally, Chinese women adhere to special dietary practices during the month following childbirth. This paper discusses the dietary practices and food taboos practised by Chinese women in Kuala Lumpur. A total of 134 Chinese mothers of children below one year were recruited from three Maternal and Child Health Clinics and Maternity Hospital, Kuala Lumpur. Questionnaires and in-depth interviews were used to obtain information on socioeconomic background, dietary practices, food taboos and cooking methods during the confinement period. Food intake was assessed by multiple 24-hour dietary recall among 34 mothers during their confinement month (zuo yuezi). Body weight and height were measured, and body mass index calculated. Majority of the respondents had secondary school education (77.6%), household income between RM1001 and RM3000 (64%), and were homemakers (48.5%). The women were aged 18-39 years, and 68% were of normal weight. Most women (82%) practised 30 days of confinement, during which they adhered to special dietary practices. The diet was directed at attaining yin-yang (cold-hot) balance, whereby “hot†foods were most commonly used and “cold†foods were avoided. Ginger, rice wine and sesame seed oil, considered “hot†foods, were used in large amounts in the cooking. Rice, chicken and pork were also consumed in large amounts. Most vegetables and fruits were considered “cold†and were prohibited during confinement. Most mothers drank specially-prepared teas boiled from Chinese herbs. Mean energy intake was 19% below RNI, while mean protein intake was 93% above RNI (NCCFN, 2005). Mean intakes of thiamin, riboflavin and niacin were above 75% of RNI, while vitamins A and C were at half of RNI or less. Mean iron and calcium intakes were at 222% and 67% of RNI, respectively. It is concluded that most Chinese women in Kuala Lumpur do conform to special dietary practices during zuo yuezi.
Study site: three Maternal and Child Health Clinics and Maternity Hospital, Kuala Lumpur