As a significant trade item on the ancient Silk Road, the evolution of mug shapes represents a confluence of Eastern and Western economic history and cultural-artistic exchanges, also reflecting the flourishing export culture of Guangzhou. This paper analyzes the functional and social factors influencing the morphological changes of Lingnan mugs from 1616 to 1949 from the perspective of quantitative typological analysis. The overall design trend of these mugs transitioned from complex to simple, enhancing user comfort, while variations in mug scale reflect the diversity of consumer classes and regional drinking cultures. Among the 30 mugs analyzed, the average capacity was 356ml, with a range of 1588ml. Common shapes included cylindrical bodies and ear-shaped handles. Morphologically, the belly of the mugs transformed from arc-barrel bodies (emphasizing heat retention) to bulbous bodies, and eventually to cylindrical bodies (combining heat retention, practicality, and economy), with handles also showing signs of East-West integration. The analysis of the mug body' s inclination, with handle-side junction angles ranging from 34° to 53° and wall-side junction angles from 50° to 90°, indicates that these features are associated with stability in placement, aesthetic design, and practicality in liquid containment. These morphological evolutions reflect genuine responses to market demands and advancements in production technology, manifesting as products of market orientation and societal needs. By measuring changes in morphology, scale, volume, and external contour curves, this paper addresses how social factors shape material morphology in an academic context.
Modern dentistry is a relatively young profession in Malaysia. The development of dentistry in Britain has a major influence on dentistry in Malaysia. Not only does it offer a historical perspective, it serves as a crystal ball to provide an insight into what dentistry will be like in the future. A brief review of dentistry in Britain follows.
The rhetoric surrounding the transportation of prisoners to the Straits Settlements and the reformative capacity of the penal labor regime assumed a uniform subject, an impoverished criminal, who could be disciplined and accordingly civilized through labor. Stamford Raffles, as lieutenant governor of Benkulen, believed that upon realizing the advantages of the new colony, criminals would willingly become settlers. These two colonial prerogatives of labor and population categorized transportees into laboring classes where their exploitation supposedly brought mutual benefit. The colonized was collectively homogenized as a class of laborers and evidence to the contrary, of politically challenging and resistant individuals was suppressed. This paper focuses on two prisoners who were incriminated during the anti-colonial rebellions of the mid-nineteenth century and were transported to the Straits Settlements. Nihal Singh, a political prisoner from Lahore, was incarcerated in isolation to prevent his martyrdom and denied the supposed benefits of labor reform. Conversely, Tikiri Banda Dunuwille, a lawyer from Ceylon was sent to labor in Melaka as a form of humiliation. Tikiri’s many schemes to evade labor damned him in the eyes of the authorities. The personal histories of these two individuals expose how colonial penal policy recognized and manipulated individual differences during a time of rising anti-colonial sentiment. The experiences of these prisoners, the response of their communities and the voices of their descendents offer us a very different entry point into colonial penal history.
This article traces briefly the origins of medical education in the early years of the Straits Settlements (Singapore, Penang and Malacca), which culminated in the founding of Medical School in Singapore in 1905. The first attempt was made in the early 19th century, when boys were recruited from local schools as Medical Apprentices to be trained as "assistant doctors". They were to assist the British doctors and doctors from India in running the medical services. This scheme was not successful. There are 3 landmark years in the evolution of medical education in the Straits Settlements, namely 1852, 1867 and 1904. In 1852, the Governor, to relieve the shortage of staff in the Medical Department, instructed the Principal Civil Medical Officer to organise a proper course of training for Medical Apprentices and to establish a local Medical Service. This scheme was also unsuccessful and the Straits Settlements continued to rely on doctors recruited from India. In 1867, the Straits Settlements were transferred from the India Office to the Colonial Office and became a Crown Colony. The Indian Government requested that all its doctors be sent back. This would have led to the collapse of the Straits Settlements Medical Service. As a stop-gap measure, the Governor offered the Indian doctors appointment in the new Straits Settlements Medical Service, and at the same time arranged with the Madras Government for boys from the Straits Settlements to be trained in its Medical Colleges. The first 2 boys were sent in 1869. In 1889, the Principal Civil Medical Officer proposed to the Governor that a Medical School should be founded in Singapore, but not enough candidates passed the preliminary entrance examination. The plan was shelved and boys continued to be sent to Madras for training. In 1902, the Committee on English Education proposed that a Medical School should be started in Singapore, but senior British doctors opposed this. On 8 September 1904, Mr Tan Jiak Kim and other local community leaders petitioned the Governor to start a Medical School, raised enough funds to establish the School and the Straits and Federated Malay States Government Medical School (predecessor of the King Edward VII College of Medicine, and the Faculties of Medicine, University of Singapore and University of Malaya) was founded on 3 July 1905.
The history of medical physics in Asia-Oceania goes back to the late nineteenth century when X-ray imaging was introduced, although medical physicists were not appointed until much later. Medical physics developed very quickly in some countries, but in others the socio-economic situation as such prevented it being established for many years. In others, the political situation and war has impeded its development. In many countries their medical physics history has not been well recorded and there is a danger that it will be lost to future generations. In this paper, brief histories of the development of medical physics in most countries in Asia-Oceania are presented by a large number of authors to serve as a record. The histories are necessarily brief; otherwise the paper would quickly turn into a book of hundreds of pages. The emphasis in each history as recorded here varies as the focus and culture of the countries as well as the length of their histories varies considerably.
In 1885, Gilles de la Tourette described 9 patients who suffered from a disorder characterized by involuntary movements, echolalia, echopraxia, coprolalia, and strange, uncontrollable sounds. In his article, Gilles de la Tourette presented some earlier descriptions of this disorder. To appreciate what first led Gilles de la Tourette to Tourette syndrome, however, it is necessary to turn to an article that he published a year earlier. In his 1884 article, Gilles de la Tourette cited several movement disorders that he thought were similar to each other, yet different from true chorea. After describing these disorders, namely, "jumping" of Maine, latah of Malaysia, and miryachit of Siberia, he briefly mentioned a boy in Charcot's ward in Paris, France, who seemed to exhibit the same condition. In an addendum, he then said that other cases were now surfacing in Paris and that he would write an additional article describing these individuals. To achieve a more thorough understanding of the events that led Gilles de la Tourette to his 1885 description of the disorder that now bears his name, we herein present an English-language translation of his 1884 article along with a commentary.